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Mohamed ElBaradei: ~Globalist Pied Piper Of The Egyptian Revolt~

An Analysis by an Egyptian Woman on Cairo ~ Egypt ~

Ghada Chehade is an independent political analyst, an academic,
a poet and activist living in Montreal Canada.
She is a PhD Candidate and Sessional Instructor, Canada Graduate Scholar (SSHRC),
McGill University. She is of Palestinian-Egyptian descent.
Ghada published an analysis of the current situation in Egypt on,
the Center for Research on Globalization.
Today, Ghada sent me her latest article of January 31, 2011,
 titled “Israel’s Fears Over the Egyptian Uprising – a Very Good Sign for People of the Middle East”.
Anyone who knows anything about the regime of Egyptian dictator Hosni Mubarak,
knows that one of the main roles of his government has been to protect and buffer Israel
(and its illegal and genocidal crimes against the Palestinians).
So recent reports that Israel is afraid and worried about the Egyptian revolution [1]
is a cause for celebration for all Arabs everywhere and for all those who stand against injustice,
colonial apartheid, and Israel’s illegal and brutal occupation of the Palestinians.
All Arabs grew up hearing one repeated political mantra: “If Egypt rises, we will all rise.”
And now as Egypt is in the process of a magnificent people’s uprising it
has sparked hope for the region and most of all for Palestine.
The hope is that, triggered by the revolution in Tunisia,
the Egyptian revolution will spread like wild fire and crescendo into a regional revolt
against despots and dictators throughout the entire Middle East.
Real Change on the Brink?
If the Arab people succeed in ousting the despotic, treasonous rulers of the Middle East—
who oppress their own people while serving the neo-colonial,
imperial, and/or geo-political interests of the West,
including tolerating and facilitating Israel’s crimes in Palestine—
then they may finally be able to live as free and self-determining peoples
and eventually help to bring the same reality to the Palestinians.
Even if other countries in the region do not follow suit with analogous revolutions,
however, what happens in Egypt in the months and years following the capitulation of Mubarak,
will still resonate throughout the Middle East
nd may greatly alter the geo-political reality of the region.
This is because Egypt is the largest in population and is the most politically
and culturally significant Arab country in the Middle East.
While they have not played a leading role (or even a significant one) in the uprising,
the Muslim Brotherhood would be the likely winner of a genuinely free election
in Egypt according to most opinion polls [2].
As Gwynne Dyer explains:
“…the first thing they [Muslim Brotherhood] have promised to do if they win power
is to hold a referendum on Egypt’s peace treaty with Israel.
And most Egyptians, according to the same polls, would vote to cancel it” [3].
A new Egyptian stance on Israel would have far-reaching repercussions for the region
and hopefully, finally for the people of Palestine.
Whether or not the Muslim Brotherhood will come to power.
(and I do not claim that this would be as good for the Egyptians as it may be for the Palestinians)
and whether or not there will be a cessation to Egypt’s peace treaty with Israel remains to be seen,
but even a suggestion of such changes begins to paint
a potentially very different geo-political landscape.

Who Could/Should Rule Egypt?
The question of who is best suited to rule Egypt once Mubarak is gone is a tough one
and is still up in the air.
The revolution seems to lack any real leadership, save for Mohamed ElBaradei
who may be emerging as the default voice of the opposition.
However, Mohamed ElBaradei is not the right person to head any
permanent post-revolution government, for numerous reasons:
The very fact that Western powers seem to support or prefer him [4] is problematic
to those opposed to U.S and western meddling in the region.
Egyptians do not want or need another possible western client as president.
Mohamed ElBaradei’s status as a trustee of Zbigniew Brzezinski’s
(a globalist and realpolitik imperial strategist for the U.S) International Crisis Group [5]
is a red flag and an indication of what his agenda may be and where his allegiances may lie
(with power politics/U.S domination proponents and globalists of the West)
Being an outsider, ElBaradei does not know enough about Egypt’s internal politics and realities,
and thus could not respond to and assess the true needs of the people and the country [6].
How will Egypt survive without U.S “aid”?
If the Muslim Brotherhood (or any group unwilling to play ball with Israel and the U.S for that matter)
are elected post-revolution,
then Egypt will surely loose its I.5 billion dollars in annual “aid” (i.e bribery) from the U.S.
However, this does not mean that the country will starve.
China, Russia and/or Iran may step in to pick up the financial slack
(though nowhere in scope to the amount of the U.S.)
Iran would be more than happy to open another front to help de-stabilize Israel.
Or perhaps Saudi Arabia will step in to counter-act
and benefit from the Unites States weakness in the region,
opening a backdoor channel or pipeline to Egypt.
Many Egyptians have been conditioned to live in utter fear of “being taken over by Iran”
[7] and may be reluctant to receive patronage from it.
Ideally the best way forward for Egypt is for it to be truly autonomous and self-sufficient.
However, the reality of the geo-politics of the region and of Egypt’s impoverished economic conditions
dictates that Egypt may need to continue receiving some form of external “aid”
from an outside party or parties. 
And it cannot be refuted that it is better for Egypt
to be indebted to countries that are not beholden to Israel,
than for it to continue to serve as an Israeli-U.S patsy and facilitate the genocide of Palestinians.
Three Possible Alternative Outcomes of the Uprising [8]
As a human being (and a Palestinian-Egyptian)
I am extremely hopeful and optimistic about the reality of a full-fledged people’s revolution
(with the emergence of a new and sincere—i.e true to the people—opposition leadership in Egypt)
that will resonate and spread to other Middle Eastern dictatorial and/or client regimes!
At the same time, from an analytical perspective,
I am aware that there are three other distinct possibilities.

The aforementioned Arab maxim that translates into “If Egypt rises, we will all rise,”
is also well known to the Israelis (and the Anglo-American Middle East policy apparatus).
In light of this, any consequences afforded to Israel and the U.S may be viewed accordingly.
First Possibility
One possible outcome is that the people’s revolt will bring down the Mubarak regime
and replace it with a reactionary (albeit elected) government headed by the Muslim brotherhood. 
Israel and the U.S will view this in the context of their other client states in the region,
fearing a total collapse of their Middle East agenda.
This situation would be highly problematic and alarming to Israel and the U.S (and their allies).
Any resultant military actions and/or sanctions (including the denial of communications services)
by the West would be viewed as war on the people of the region.
This situation could easily escalate into full-blown regional revolutionary war
(painted in the western media as an “Islamic threat”) that would likely draw in other players
with interests in the region such as China, Iran and Russia.
Relative to the question of the Palestinian occupation,
this is the most favourable of the three alternatives
Second Possibility
Another possibility is that a functionally similar replacement-government is put in
(under the leadership of ElBaradei or another Western favourite)
as a result of co-option of the revolution, and with complicity of the army.
In this case the people will have (the appearance of) a new government
and some domestic cosmetic changes but ultimately will still feel that underlying issues
concerning Israel and U.S interference will remain unresolved.
As a result the tension will continue and is likely to boil over
into another popular uprising in the future.
Israel and the U.S would surely see this as an option for controlling
and containing similar rebellions in neighbouring client states.
Third (and hopefully, for the sake of the Egyptian people, the least likely) Possibility
Through covert and/or direct support from Israel and the West,
Mubarak manages to either crush or severely undermine the people’s uprising
and remain in power or rule from the sidelines through a new Western client government.
The West will view this as a sure-fire opportunity to defeat or intimidate any would-be rebellions
in neighbouring states and to recalibrate their grip on Arab despots/ their regional patsies
(i.e. do what you are told because you are disposable)–
not to mention that the people of neighbouring Arab states would be greatly discouraged
from persisting in their own revolutions if Mubarak is able to successfully counter the popular uprising.
In this scenario most of Egypt will continue to live as it has until very recently.
This would be the worst possible outcome relative to both the Egyptian people
and most people of the region, especially Palestinians!

The revolt in Egypt is an organically driven people-power movement to oust a dictator,
restore universal freedoms, and wrestle the country free from the clutches
of the US military-industrial complex, but the man now being positioned to form a new government
is a pied piper working for the very same globalists and NGO’s that autocrat leader
Hosni Mubarak has dutifully served for nearly 30 years.
Make no mistake about it, under the current regime Egypt is a vassal state for the new world order.
Under Mubarak, the country receives some $2 billion in aid every year from the United States,
an organization closely tied with the Obama administration,
to act as “foreign agents” for Mubarak’s regime.
Mubarak’s loyalty to the US empire was reciprocated this week
when Vice-President Joe Biden ludicrously asserted that Mubarak’s unbroken 30 year reign
did not represent a dictatorship and that he was a close ally of the west.
“Egypt under Mubarak uses its billions in U.S. military aid to detain,
beat and torture dissenters, opposition politicians and journalists;
many have died in custody,” writes Mark Zepezauer.
“Thousands of political prisoners and pro-democracy activists are held in overcrowded,
disease-ridden prisons, without charges or trials.
Press restrictions, including newspaper shutdowns, are widespread.”
Which is why it makes no sense whatsoever for the CIA to be involved in contriving
a series of riots that would destabilize and threaten to topple a regime loyal to them.
This is not the type of staged “color revolution” that we’ve witnessed before in places like Georgia,
the Ukraine or Yugoslavia – orchestrated events disguised as spontaneous uprisings
intended to remove rogue leaders hostile to the global elite’s agenda for world government.
This is a grass roots movement being carried out by impoverished young Egyptians
finally standing up in unison to a regime that toadies to the west yet allows its people
none of the freedoms associated with living in a modern and prosperous nation.
But that doesn’t mean the revolution we currently see unfolding on the streets of Alexandria,
Cairo, Suez and cannot be co-opted by the very same globalist forces
who have been pulling Mubarak’s strings for the past three decades.
The US military-industrial complex has known for at least three years that Egypt
was teetering on the verge of regime change, and they certainly were not going to
let anyone outside parties take control after Mubarak’s fall.
That’s why the American Embassy trained rebel leaders to infiltrate opposition groups
from the very beginning, as the Telegraph reveals today.
Enter former top UN official and staunch Mubarak adversary Mohamed ElBaradei,
who recently returned to Cairo in a bid to lead the protest movement.
ElBaradei serves on the Board of Trustees of the International Crisis Group,
who today issued a press release protesting the decision on behalf of Egyptian authorities
to place ElBaradei under house arrest.
International Crisis Group is a shadowy NGO (non-governmental organization)
that enjoys an annual budget of over $15 million and is
Soros himself serves as a member of the organization’s Executive Committee.
In other words, this is a major geopolitical steering group for the global elite.
The fact that their man ElBaradei is being primed to head up the post-Mubarak government
should set alarm bells ringing in the ears of every demonstrator who is protesting
in the name of trying to wrestle Egypt away from the clutches of new world order control.
Indeed, even Mubarak himself is now seemingly catching on to the understanding
that his usefulness to the global power elite has run its course,
remarking during a national address Saturday that the protests were “part of a bigger plot
to shake the stability and destroy the legitimacy” of the political system.
Even more ironic is the fact that another powerful globalist who sits on the board
of International Crisis Group, Zbigniew Brzezinski, warned last year that the international hierarchy
of which he is a key component was under threat from a “global awakening”
that would be led by young radicals in third world countries.
Having accurately predicted the wave of revolt now spreading like wildfire across the globe,
Brzezinski and his fellow globalists are preparing to pick up the pieces in order
to continue business as usual, while the people who risked their lives for real change
will be the victims of a monumental deception. Meet the new boss, same as the old boss.
If the Egyptians are successful in toppling Mubarak, only to replace him with ElBaradei,
they will have achieved nothing, and the eventual outcome will merely see Egypt
remain as a subservient client state of the US military-industrial complex.
Paul Joseph Watson is the editor and writer for Prison
He is the author of Order Out Of Chaos. Watson is also a fill-in host for The Alex Jones Show.
Watson has been interviewed by many publications and radio shows,
including Vanity Fair and Coast to Coast AM, America’s most listened to late night talk show.
Egypt crisis: Israel faces danger in every direction

The Egyptian crisis is ringing alarm bells in Jerusalem

6:12PM GMT 01 Feb 2011
The Middle East is in ferment at the moment – but despite the general excitement,
the outcome could be a grim one for Israel, and for the West more generally.
In the past few weeks, we have seen a president ousted in Tunisia. We've seen protests in Yemen.
We've seen Iran essentially take control of Lebanon, where its proxy,
Hizbollah, has ousted a relatively pro-Western prime minister and inserted its own candidate.
We've seen the King of Jordan rush to sack his cabinet amid escalating protests.
We've seen reports that similar demonstrations are planned for Syria, where the president,
Bashar Assad, will find it far harder to get away with gunning down the crowds than his father did in 1982.
And most dramatically, we are seeing the regime in Egypt – the largest, most important Arab country –
totter, as President Mubarak faces unprecedented popular protest,
and the likelihood that he will have to step down sooner rather than later.
It is tempting to be smug. Egypt's blink-of-an-eye descent into instability
underlines afresh the uniqueness of Israel,
that embattled sliver of enlightened land in a largely dictatorial region.
Those who like to characterise it as the root of all the Middle East's problems look particularly foolish:
the people on the streets aren't enraged by Israel, but because their countries are so unlike Israel,
so lacking in the freedoms and economic opportunities
that both Israeli Jews and Israeli Arabs take for granted.
Yet the country is deeply concerned.
The main worry is over a repeat of the events in Iran a little over 30 years ago,
when popular protest ousted the Shah, only to see him replaced by a far more dangerous,
corrupt, misogynist and intolerant regime. Iran is plainly delighted by what is unfolding.
With peerless hypocrisy, a government that mowed down its own people
less than two years ago is encouraging the same spirit of protest in Egypt.
Its allies in the Muslim Brotherhood are well placed to fill any leadership vacuum – and,
for all the group's dubious claims to be relatively moderate,
it embraces leadership figures deeply hostile to Israel and to the West.
The Muslim Brotherhood, it should not be forgotten, gave birth to Hamas,
the terrorist group which now runs Gaza, after killing hundreds in its takeover.
The danger for the Egyptians is that, when the protests are over,
their brave efforts will have replaced Mubarak not with a leadership more committed
to freedom and democracy, but quite the reverse.
Yet for Israelis, it underlines the challenges we face when it comes to peacemaking.

Our country, it is often forgotten, is 1/800th of the size of the Arab world,
only nine miles wide at its narrowest point.
We are not some territorial superpower that can afford not to care if there is hostility all around:
we desperately need normalised relations with our neighbours.
But if we do a lousy deal, with a regime that is either unstable
or not genuinely committed to reconciliation, the consequences could be fatal.
Israelis, I believe, would make almost any territorial compromise in the cause of genuine peace.
But where both the Palestinians and the Syrians are concerned,
we're far from certain that we have a dependable partner.
And as the Egyptian experience is demonstrating,
even our most concrete certainties can turn fluid overnight.
For half of Israel's lifespan, our alliance with Egypt has been central
to our foreign policy and military strategy.
To achieve it, we relinquished every last inch of the Sinai desert – and,
until this weekend, we scarcely had a reason to question that decision.
Yes, it's been a cold peace: there's been no profound acceptance of Israel among ordinary Egyptians,
or the country's media and professional guilds.
Yet Egypt under Mubarak has been less critical of Israel than most other Arab states,
gradually intensifying the effort to prevent the smuggling of missiles,
rockets and other weaponry into Hamas-controlled Gaza.
The absence of war on our Egyptian border has also freed our strained military forces
to focus on other, more threatening frontiers.
Over the past two years, as Turkey has moved out of the Western orbit,
our other vital regional alliance has slipped away. Now Egypt could also be lost –
at a time when Iran and its nuclear ambitions cast an ever greater shadow over the region,
and over Israel's future.
But perhaps the most profound concern is over the reversal of momentum that the Egyptian protests
could come to represent.
For a generation, Israel has been trying to widen the circle of normalisation –
to win acceptance as a state among states.
We made peace with Egypt, then with Jordan.
We built ties with Morocco and the Gulf. We have reached out to the Syrians and Palestinians.
Now, for the first time in more than 30 years, we see that momentum reversing.
We wonder whether Egypt will continue to constitute a stable partner.
We worry about the potential for instability in Jordan.
We see that all our borders are now "in play" –
that the Israel Defence Forces must overhaul their strategy
to meet the possibility of dangers in every direction.
We had hoped that the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty of 1979 would come to be the defining
event of the modern era.
Now, we fear that our world will be defined by another event from that year:
Iran's dismal Islamic revolution.
David Horovitz is editor-in-chief of 'The Jerusalem Post'

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